Speech by Chrysanthos Zannettos, Member of the Political Bureau of the C.C. of AKEL, at the commemoration of the Great October Socialist Revolution

 

5th November 2021, POED Teacher’s Union Hall, Nicosia

Today we commemorate the anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution – this universally historic event which 104 years ago shook the whole world and gave birth to a new era for the whole of humanity. The old calendar showed 25 October 1917. The Great October Socialist Revolution that was victorious changed the course of world history, paving the way for the humanity’s transition from capitalism to socialism.

The experience bequeathed to the peoples by this historical development is invaluable. Lenin wrote at the time: “We have made the start. When, at what date and time, and the proletarians of which nation will complete this process is not important. The important thing is that the ice has been broken; the road is open, the way has been shown.”

The October Revolution stands out as one of the most world-shaking events in humanity’s history, given that this radical revolution aimed at highlighting and promoting the most beautiful, altruistic values and ideals that should characterize the human condition.

It aimed to abolish the exploitation of people and all forms of oppression and injustice.

It aimed at building a society in which freedom, democracy, peace, social progress and social justice would prevail.

It aimed at constructing a world in which universal human ideals such as peace, friendship, cooperation and solidarity would flourish.

These ideals, principles, values and aspirations of the October Revolution, guided the revolutionary Russian people against Tsarism and the oligarchy.

The Great October Socialist Revolution was not an accident at some random moment in time. It was the outcome of the sharpening of contradictions at the level of Russian society, but also internationally.  It was the fruit of mature, objective and socio-economic conditions that were demanding the overcoming of the numerous problems that had been accumulated by capitalism and at the same time the construction of a new society, socialist society.

The seizure of the Winter Palace on the night of 25 October 1917 (7 November in the new calendar) was the culmination of a series of incredible revolutionary events that had been taking place in Russia since February of the same year. On the same evening of 25 October at the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets, Lenin proclaimed: “The socialist revolution of which the Bolsheviks were constantly talking about has been realized.” The most decisive development of the 20th century with timeless and world-historical significance was a reality. The world’s first socialist state of workers and peasants was born. A new era was dawning in the long history of humanity: the era of the liberation of labour from the shackles of exploitation.

October 1917 was not the beginning of the revolutionary process and of the struggles to get rid of the tyrannical regime. In 1905 the first attempt to overthrow the Tsar was made, which failed and was subsequently drowned in blood. This was followed by an even more intense ten-year campaign of violence and repression of the masses by the monarchical regime.

Meanwhile, the First World War exacerbated both the inter-imperialist, but also the class antagonisms to the utmost. At the same time it also accelerated revolutionary processes all over the world. The weakest link in the imperialist chain was Russia where the imperialist stage of development coexisted with powerful remnants of feudalism. This link was broken. In February 1917 the Russian people led by the working class overthrew the monarchy. The first stage, the bourgeois-democratic stage of the Russian revolution, which marked the end of the Romanov dynasty, was thus realized. The Bolsheviks, led by V.I. Lenin, declared that the second stage of the revolution, the socialist stage, must now be pursued.

The Bolsheviks in February 1917 were a relatively small political force, but with a well organised and disciplined Party, steeled in class and political struggles with deep roots among the Russian proletariat and exerted a great influence among the Russian soldiers too, the majority of whom were peasants. It was a Party with a clear revolutionary Marxist ideology, with clear goals and visions.

The revolutionary people in Russia formed their own organ of power: The Soviets of workers and soldiers. The ruling class and the landowners, trying to control developments, formed the provisional government. The social-democratic majority, instead of concentrating all power in the Soviets, gave support to the provisional government. But neither the provisional government representing the ruling class and the big landowners, nor the Social-Democratic majority in the Soviets succeeded in addressing Russia’s great problems. The Russian people, after three years of needless human slaughter for the interests of monopoly capital and the landowners in the First World War, were thirsting for peace. Instead of peace, the provisional government continued the war by propagating pseudo-patriotic slogans.

Russian peasants were demanding land. The workers demanded worker’s control of factories and production. The peoples enslaved to the Russian empire demanded their freedom. The government of the ruling class-big landowners refused all these demands. Hunger and impoverishment of the popular masses continued and the government did nothing to change the situation.

Lenin elaborated a plan for a peaceful transition to the second, socialist stage of the revolution. It is the famous “April Theses” that dispel those who insist that socialism can only be imposed by the force of arms. He called for the Soviets to take over all power and for the pro-socialist forces to implement their programme peacefully after they had won a majority in the Soviets. The slogan “All power to the Soviets!” became the banner of revolutionary events and mobilizations in the spring and summer of 1917.

The old world of Russia responded violently. The forces of repression opened fire on mass demonstrations in July, killing many demonstrators. A wave of right-wing terrorism was unleashed. An attempt was made to outlaw the Bolshevik Party. Lenin was forced to flee to find temporary refuge in Finland. The Party continued the struggle amidst persecution and anti-communist frenzy.

The situation as it had evolved forced the Bolsheviks to end the attempt for a peaceful development of the revolution and to begin preparing for an armed uprising. The slogan “All power to the Soviets” was temporarily withdrawn. But even when the armed insurrection was being prepared, the first priority was to win over a majority in the Soviets because, as Leninism teaches, a revolutionary party only succeeds in achieving its aims when it convinces and wins over the majority of workers, the majority of the people. The Bolsheviks continued their political enlightenment work in factories, neighborhoods, in military barracks, at the war front and in the rear, promoting their basic thesis that only socialism can solve the great problems Russia faced.

In the Soviets, based on their structure and rules of procedure, the principle of recall applied, which gave voters the right to withdraw their support for elected representatives of the people in the Soviets, and during their term of office, to replace them. Thus, in the autumn of 1917, the workers and soldiers, disappointed with the Social Democrats and the right-wing Eser delegates (Note: Socialist-Revolutionary Party), recalled them en masse and elected in their place Bolshevik delegates, following a consistent revolutionary line.

Thus, on the eve of the October Revolution the majority in the Soviets pass into the hands of the Bolsheviks and Left Esers. Then the slogan “All power to the Soviets!” returns with even greater intensity.

The extremist pro-monarchist right attempts to seize power in a coup d’état and put an end to the revolution. General Kornilov with his troops marches against Petersburg. The Bolsheviks do not waver for a moment. They fight Kornilov to save the revolution from the greatest danger that threatened it even if it would give the provisional government a breath of life. In the end, the crushing of Kornilov accelerates developments.

At dawn on 24 October (6 November in the old calendar) the armed uprising began. The Red Guard, consisting of workers and soldiers, seizes all the most important places in the capital Petrograd. By the following evening, the only place not under the control of the revolutionary forces is the Winter Palace, the seat of Alexander Kerensky’s provisional government. The armed revolution in Petrograd developed almost bloodlessly. The cruiser “Avrora”, with a cannon tearing through the darkness of the night, gives the signal for the attack on the Winter Palace. The Winter Palace is taken at midnight on the 25th to the 26th of October.

Meanwhile, the Second All-Russian Congress of the Soviets, meeting in Smolny, declares that power has passed entirely to the Soviets. On Lenin’s proposal, the Congress adopts the Decree on Peace, which ends Russia’s participation in the imperialist war and proposes to all belligerents a democratic peace without compensations and annexations of territory. On Lenin’s proposal, the Land Decree is also adopted, nationalising the land of the landlords and giving it to the peasants. The first Soviet government headed by Lenin is formed and includes not only the Bolsheviks, but the Left Esers too (Left Socialist Revolutionaries), demonstrating that socialism by definition does not mean a one-party system of government. At the same time, the new Soviet government proclaims the right of the peoples of Russia to self-determination.

Overnight, then, the socialist revolution has resolved the question of peace and land and granted the right of self-determination to the peoples of Russia. Soviet power did what the provisional bourgeois-big landowner government could not and would not do. The question of peace, land and self-determination were not questions of a socialist nature. But they became the vehicle of the socialist revolution.

This is one of the great timeless lesson of Leninism. Namely, that the revolutionary party moves forward by solving the questions which at the given moment are put before it by historical developments themselves, the issues which concern and trouble the people. It advances not only with visions and declarations, but also by fighting for the solution of the real problems the people face.

Distinguished guests,

Comrades,

The Great October Socialist Revolution constituted the dawn of a new era in humanity’s history. It was followed by decades of struggles to defend and consolidate socialism. Decades of successes, triumphs and tragic failures.

As AKEL we made an assessment of the 70-year history of socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe at both our 17th and 18th Congresses.

We rejected the denial of this 70-year history which culminated in the anti-fascist victory of the peoples in the Second World War and the crushing of Hitler’s fascism.

We rejected the nullification of the gains of the peoples who built socialism in all areas of life.

At the same time we approached this entire historical period with a critical eye.

We did not hesitate to talk about mistakes committed, the distortions of the socialist ideal and even of the crimes committed in the name of socialism. We supported the effort aiming at the democratic renewal of socialism, because socialism and democracy are identical concepts.

However, we criticised the treacherous way in which those who undertook this effort behaved. We sought, with an open mind, to find the causes that led thirty years ago to the lowering of the Soviet flag in the Kremlin.

The question is often posed: was socialism overthrown or did it collapse?

This debate frequently takes on a dogmatic character. And dogmatism does not help us get to the truth. In the Soviet Union and in the socialist countries of Europe there was a socialist system with all its flaws and shortcomings.

Today, unfortunately for the peoples and workers of the world, it doesn’t exist. And I say unfortunately because if there had been the opposing pole of socialism today, imperialism would not be so ruthless and inhuman today. In place of socialism we have a revival of what I would call primitive capitalism. That alone constitutes a reversal. An upheaval in which both external and internal factors have conspired. But it is also a fact that at the critical historical moment of this reversal, hardly anyone was found to resist and defend socialism. And that means collapse, which cannot be attributed just to those who were hostile to socialism and who had been plotting against it for decades.

Comrades,

At a time when the global crisis of capitalism, the most acute in the history of this inhuman exploitative system, is passing like a steamroller over the peoples and workers, it is an oxymoron to focus on the weaknesses and shortcomings of socialism as it was constructed in Eastern Europe.

At a time when the world is reeling from the crisis of capitalism and the worsening of the global health crisis with the covid-19 pandemic, we have a duty to highlight and recall certain truths about socialism, however bitter they may be for capitalism’s apologists.

At a time when millions of working people are losing their jobs and livelihoods, together with their very dignity, we recall that socialism had practically guaranteed the right to work for all citizens. The word unemployment was unknown in socialist countries.

At a time when millions of people were losing even their homes, we recall that under socialism, with the help of the state, people’s housing needs were increasingly being met.

At a time when the welfare state is being dismantled in the name of coming out of the crisis, we recall that under socialism the welfare state and social welfare were at the centre of attention and were constantly being enhanced.

At a time when the neoliberal apologists of capitalism are imposing the increase in the retirement age so that working people go from work straight to the graveyard, we recall that under socialism we had the exact opposite social phenomenon, namely the continuous reduction of people’s retirement age, as well as the constant reduction of working hours, so that workers have more time to enjoy life.

At a time when goods such as education and health are being sacrificed for the sake of the market and profit, we recall that free education and free health care for the whole population was one of the greatest achievements of socialism.

At a time when pensions and the labour of a lifetime’s work are disappearing, we recall that under socialism, old age was guaranteed, retirement was assured and no one worried whether they would be able to spend their old age with dignity.

At a time when uncertainty and anxiety about the day after is the depressing reality for millions of our fellow human beings, we recall that perhaps one of the greatest achievement of socialism was precisely the security about the future, the certainty of people’s future.

At a time when the image of the homeless and beggars is a daily picture even in the most developed capitalist countries, we recall that such images were non-existent under socialism.

At a time when spending on culture is seen as an unnecessary luxury and subculture flourishes in the name of the free market, we recall that the production of quality culture with the participation of millions of people and with the help of the socialist state witnessed unsurpassed and prominent cultural creation in socialist countries.

At a time when the ecological destruction that is unfolding with the constant intervention and destruction of nature and the rate at which it is taking place is incredibly rapid to the extent that it makes the preservation of life itself on our planet questionable, a fact which stems from the system’s relentless drive to exhaust all the resources it can in order to make a profit, with no thought about the future consequences it provokes, we recall that under socialism the cultivation of an ecological awareness was non-negotiable and given.

What in today’s conditions, and even under normal conditions of capitalist development, seems a distant dream, was a reality under socialism.

Comrades,

The global crisis that began and deepened over the last decade has shaken everything. It has shattered people’s lives and even shaken the consciences of working people.

In our country, the Anastasiades-DISY government’s anti-social policies have not only left the vulnerable groups of the population without protection, but in essence are pushing them into poverty and marginalization, widening inequalities through a shift of wealth that has been taking place over the last decade in favor of the privileged few. Labour relations are being deregulated and small and medium-sized enterprises are being crushed by the arbitrariness of the banks and unbridled competition.

At the same time, the Anastasiades-DISY government, a government that is steeped in corruption, authoritarianism and arrogance, manages to survive by having the support of the financial and mass media system and the support it receives from satellite parties and even from the fascist ultra-right. Coupled with this, is the fact that dangerous phenomena are gaining strength in Cypriot society that corrode and cloud people’s consciences, as well as racism, individualism and the logic of cronyism, populism, and compromise with the division of our country.

Comrades,

Red October shook not only Russia, but the whole world. It marked the starting point of world-changing developments and events.

One consequence of October was the foundation of the Communist Party of Cyprus, whose worthy successor since 1941 has been the Progressive Party of the Working People, AKEL.

In the almost 100 years of our Party’s existence, we did not set as our immediate goal the socialist transformation of Cypriot society. The tasks set before us by historical developments themselves were different. As a truly revolutionary party, by responding correctly to these tasks, we transformed our Party into a powerful political and social force, vindicating beyond measure the pioneering founders of the communist movement in Cyprus.

We fought for the freedom of our country and for democracy. Through our own struggles we won social and economic gains for our people and workers, which radically changed the life of the common people for the better.

We combated nationalism and fought for the unity, friendship and cooperation of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.

We have always found ourselves marching together on the same path with the workers, farmers, the small and middle strata, the progressive people of culture and the people of labour in general.

We have deep roots in this country.

That is precisely why they could not exterminate us, despite all the persecution and repression, terror and assassinations we suffered. They could not uproot us. Even when socialism was suffering a heavy defeat in Eastern Europe, our Party stood firm. That is why, at a time when everything was falling apart, no one was able to break AKEL. And if they could not break it at a time when a whole world was collapsing, you can be sure, comrades, that they won’t succeed in doing so today either, no matter how much they may attempt to do so – provided that we guard our unity, follow the same correct path, remaining always faithful to the red banner.

At the same time, it must be said that the example of the Soviet Union served as a motivating force for the working class, but also as a bastion of support and internationalist solidarity with the peoples who were fighting against colonialism, for independence, freedom and self-determination.

Cyprus too received this support and solidarity, as the Soviet Union and the entire community of socialist states were firm and consistent in their support towards our struggles for a solution and reunification, on the basis of UN resolutions and the principles of international law. A support which continues steadfastly to this day by the Russian Federation which is waging battles within the Security Council of the UN to keep the procedure for the solution of the Cyprus problem within the correct framework, despite the efforts of Turkey and other powers to deviate us from the agreed framework, and despite the backtracking, contradictions, dogmatism and erratic approaches with the submission of “new ideas” by the Nicos Anastasiades government that is endangering the agreed body of work of the talks and the framework of the solution itself.

Comrades,

The new generation of AKEL militants and members grew up with the slogan “Our future is not capitalism – it is the new world, socialism!” Is this slogan ultimately a wishful thinking? Far from it.

What is the root cause of the evils we are experiencing in the modern world?

In a world that has all the material means to provide all 8 billion people living on the planet today with a dignified life, how is it possible that a huge percentage of the world’s population does not have access to food and drinking water?

How is it possible for a better world to emerge when 1% of the world’s population owns and exploits 50% of the world’s wealth?

The root cause lies in the unjust and exploitative nature of the capitalist system itself. Only when global wealth becomes the property of all people will the suffering of humanity end. And that is precisely what socialism means.

Socialism is not some empty slogan and wishful thinking. It is necessity made history. And this need will sooner or later rewrite the history of great social upheavals. Capitalism is not humanity’s eternal bleak fate.

For sure, the October Revolution will not be repeated because historical events, however great they may be, are unrepeatable as events. But the legacy of the Red October will always stand as a powerful reference point for those struggling for a better world and for socialism.

The shot fired from the cruiser “Avrora” will always illuminate our struggles and light up the darkness of oppression, exploitation and barbarism.

For sure, the socialism of the future will be different from the one we have known in the past. But it is equally certain that the future belongs to socialism.

Honor and glory to the pioneers who blazed the trail!

Honor and glory to the pioneering Cypriot communists who planted the seed!

Long live the Great October Socialist Revolution!

Long live the struggles for peace, social justice and socialism!