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AKEL supports the resumption of the dialogue between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots – Article from AKEL Bulletin March 2014

 

 

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2014 marks 40 years since NATO’s double crime against Cyprus which led to the occupation of 37% of its territory by Turkey and the de facto partition of our island and people.

For 40 years negotiations have been going on to find a solution that will lead to the termination of the occupation and reunification of Cyprus through its evolvement into a federal state, in which Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots will coexist peacefully. These efforts come up against the intransigent attitude of Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leadership which insist on positions such as the partition of the island, the solution of confederation, the staying of the Turkish army and continuation of the system of foreign guarantors in Cyprus.

The election of Demetris Christofias in 2008 revived the hopes for progress on the Cyprus problem. Indeed, Demetris Christofias as President of the Republic of Cyprus took several international initiatives for pressure to be put on Turkey to change its stance. The delineation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of the Republic of Cyprus and the identification of natural gas reserves in the Cypriot EEZ have raised international interest in Cyprus. In addition, as the leader of the Greek Cypriot community, D. Christofias entered into negotiations with the Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat and significant progress was registered in some aspects of the Cyprus problem. Negotiations began on the basis of the United Nations Resolutions on the Cyprus problems and the two Joint Communiqués of the two leaders in which it was clarified that the basis of negotiations will be to find a bi-zonal bi-communal federal solution with a single sovereignty, a single citizenship and a single international personality with political equality of the two communities as defined in the UN Resolutions.

In all previous years, Demetris Christofias defended the basic principles of the solution of the Cyprus problem and demonstrated a spirit of good will towards the Turkish Cypriots. He put forth the demand for the abolition of the guarantees of Turkey, Britain and Greece over the Republic of Cyprus, which exist since independence was granted in 1960. He rejected the scenarios for Cyprus’ accession to NATO or to the NATO programme “Partnership for Peace”, maintaining the position that with the solution of the Cyprus problem Cyprus should be demilitarized.

Of particular importance was the philosophy of our proposals in relation to the functioning of the federal state that would emerge through the solution. In our view, the election of the executive power (e.g. President, Vice-President of the federal government) must be done in such a way as to eliminate the provisions (which existed in the 1960 Constitution too but also in various plans proposed for a solution) that wanted the Greek Cypriots (GC) and Turkish Cypriots (TC) to vote completely separately for their leaders and representatives to the state bodies. In our view, only when GC and TC vote together for the leadership of their common state based on political programmes will ethnic conflicts be overcome and political confrontation is transferred to an ideological and socio-class level. However, Ankara’s position, the support it receives from the American and NATO powers and the assumption of the leadership of the Turkish Cypriot community by the nationalist Dervis Eroglu prevented further progress in the negotiations.

In February 2013, the leader of the right-wing Democratic Rally party Nicos Anastasiades was elected to the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus, with the support of the Democratic Party and the right-wing European Party. Anastasiades is trying to balance between the two extremist political lines as expressed by forces within his coalition government: on the one hand, the pro-American line that is willing to depart from the correct principles for the solution of the Cyprus problem and on the other, the rejectionist line that in essence opposes federation as a solution and in the final analysis the very idea of cohabitation with the Turkish Cypriots as well.

AKEL from the very beginning proposed to President Anastasiades that he should continue the efforts on the basis on which the Christofias-Talat negotiations were waged and build on the convergences that were agreed. AKEL warned the President that if he threw in the bin all that was agreed and the convergences recorded between Christofias and Talat, then Turkey and the current Turkish Cypriot leader would subsequently find the opportunity to disengage themselves and put new unacceptable demands. Furthermore, AKEL pointed out that it would not be possible to achieve a better text and then we will be forced either to make unacceptable compromises or to be apportioned the blame for the impasse.

The President did not share our position. The Cyprus government removed the references to the Christofias – Talat joint communiqués from the last resolution the UN Security Council and began the attempt to draw up a joint declaration. For five months hectic efforts were made, with the involvement of the UN, the U.S. and Turkey. The Turkish side objected to the references to a “single sovereignty” being included in the communique; references which the federal state will have, as they had in fact existed in the previous Christofias-Talat joint communiques. As AKEL predicted, Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leadership want to disengage themselves from what was agreed in the previous years in order to bring back their partitionist positions to the negotiations.

Following the intervention of the Americans and British, eventually it became feasible in early February to agree on a Joint Declaration of the leaders of the two communities. Developments as they have evolved have vindicated AKEL’s absolutely correct position.

Statement of the Political Bureau of the C.C. of AKEL on the Joint Communique, 8th February 2014.

“The conclusion of the Joint Declaration after a path of regressions which lasted for almost five months leads to the resumption of inter-communal negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations, which constitute the only in effect way to reverse the current partitionist status quo and achieve a comprehensive solution of the Cyprus problem on the basis of principles.

AKEL had warned from the outset that any attempt to disengage from the joint declarations agreed previously by Christofias – Talat, as well as from the convergences that were achieved for the sake of petty political expediences would lead us to unnecessary adventures with an uncertain outcome. This policy of disengagement was supported by all the other parties. Developments themselves have unfortunately vindicated our Party’s assessments:

1. In the Christofias – Talat joint declarations there was an explicit reference to a single sovereignty. In the course of the negotiations, it was agreed that this single sovereignty would be indivisible and emanate equally from the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. In the Declaration there is a reference to a single sovereignty which is defined as the sovereignty enjoyed by all Member States of the United Nations in line with the UN Charter and emanating equally from the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots.

The deletion of the term “indivisible”, combined with the addition that this is defined as the sovereignty enjoyed by all Member States of the United Nations in line with the UN Charter leaves no doubt that the external aspect of sovereignty is safeguarded in the Declaration, but the question of the internal aspect of sovereignty is left pending.

2. During the Christofias – Talat talks our position was that we do not discuss the residue of power before the federal competences are agreed. In the Declaration the residue is delegated to the constituent states without a commitment for adequate competences of the central government. If this is combined with the President’s position for a decentralized federation, with which AKEL disagrees, the problem assumes bigger dimensions than perceived at first.

3. The reference to constituent states was indeed included also in the Christofias – Talat joint communiqués but subsequently, when we ascertained interpretations in bad faith by the Turkish Cypriot side, this was changed in the documents that recorded convergences/divergences. In the documents in question, the reference was to federated units.

From the above it can be concluded that the Joint Declaration is lagging behind the Christofias – Talat joint communiques on specific points and mainly because the single sovereignty is safeguarded only with respect to its external dimension. In reality, AKEL’s position that the disengagement from the Christofias – Talat joint statements could not have led to a better result has been vindicated.

What is most important now, if the negotiating process begins, is to learn from mistakes and draw the lesson because if convergences achieved previously are rejected then we are going to have similar or worse results. It is for this reason that we consider the reference in the Joint Declaration that all pending issues will be on the table as positive, as in effect it refers to a continuation of the talks from where they were left off.

AKEL underlines once again that the solution of the Cyprus problem is the top priority. If the President decides to proceed with talks, AKEL will once again act responsibly and constructively and back the negotiating process. We urge the President, with the resumption of negotiations if negotiations do begin, to be consistent on the principles of solution of the Cyprus problem and not commit regressions and contradictions.  At the same time, it is imperative that he operates in a collective way and manner, as well as to conduct on-going consultations with the political parties aiming at achieving the greatest possible consensus. The views of all are of course respected and we do not call for an artificial deletion of disagreements. However, in view of the critical nature of the situation the way any possible different approaches are presented is also important.

The path ahead will be extremely difficult and seriousness will be demanded from all. We address an appeal to all the political parties to rise to the occasion and seek the greatest possible cooperation and understanding between us.”

AKEL has pointed out that there is a real anger that an attempt will be made by the well-known imperialist circles to impose on our people a package that includes the “closure” of the Cyprus problem and turning the island over to NATO, in combination with the seizure of the Cypriot natural gas and the economic enslavement of our country, which besides is under the yoke of the Memorandum. Such solutions will never ever be accepted by AKEL and the Cypriot people.

On the other hand, AKEL does not compromise with the logic that refers the solution of the Cyprus problem into some indefinite time in the future, at the same time when the occupational and partitionist given situation would be consolidated on the ground. This is the reason why AKEL supports the procedure of the dialogue and simultaneously will also continue to express in a constructive manner its proposals, to warn about the pitfalls/traps and rebuke the vacillations of the Greek Cypriot side. AKEL will continue to call for a comprehensive briefing, collectivity within the framework of the National Council and absolute respect for the principles of the solution of the Cyprus problem. Our goal remains a just solution of the Cyprus problem that will liberate, demilitarize and reunify our island; a solution that will open up a new page of progress, development and prosperity for our people, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. It will also be a great contribution to the cause of peace in the wider region of the Eastern Mediterranean.

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