Speech by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of AKEL, Stefanos Stefanou at the Conference: “Cyprus Issue: Zero Hour!”

 

 

Friday, October 4, 2024 / 19:30, THOK Building

 

I welcome all of you to the Conference entitled: “Cyprus Issue: Zero Hour!” organised by AKEL – Left – Social Alliance.

The title was not chosen in random, nor do we want to exaggerate in order to impress or for promotional purposes. I truly wish this was the case. However, unfortunately, it is not! The phrase “Zero Hour” for the Cyprus problem fully describes the critical situation our national issue finds itself in today.

Fifty years since the double crime of the treacherous coup of the Athens military junta and EOKA B’, and the subsequent Turkish invasion and occupation, but also sixty years since the intercommunal conflicts of 1964, the danger of a permanent division is as close as ever.

Today’s situation reminds us of something that AKEL has been warning about for many years: that the passing of time without a solution, will certainly lead to what we are fighting to prevent: permanent division.

In our minds, the risks of division are clear: insecurity for our people, inability to exercise sovereign rights for our state in its entire territory, permanent tensions and conflicts, definitive loss of land and Greek Cypriot properties, as well as assimilation and gradual annihilation of Turkish Cypriots as a distinct community. The situation in our region, as it is developing, runs the risk of being re-ignited, proving for the umpteenth time that there is no such things as a frozen conflict, given that certain circumstances and situations can trigger it at any given time.

Therefore, we cannot be comfortable with the temporality of the status quo of territorial and population separation, that was brought about through Turkey’s armed violence in 1974. We must realize that the status quo is a dynamic situation which is only getting worse and that, until we solve the problem, whatever we create is nothing except castles on the sand. There is no other option other than to remain focused on trying to achieve a solution.

All the political forces in Cyprus talk about the need for a solution to the Cyprus problem. Each one, however, frames this solution within its own content and proposes its own approach on how this can be achieved. The question, of course, is which solution is actually feasible. In AKEL, when we refer to a solution, we are talking about one that ends the occupation and reunites the island and its people, Greek Cypriots, and Turkish Cypriots.

A proper solution for AKEL, is the one that restores human rights and respects fundamental freedoms of all our citizens, while safeguarding at the same time the rights of each community. It is a solution that ensures a state with a single sovereignty, a single citizenship, and a single international personality.

Given the situation as it evolved after 1974, the only feasible solution that can ensure the above is the one of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality as determined by the relevant UN resolutions. We agreed to this solution as a Greek Cypriot side in 1977, and we have reaffirmed it since then many times. It is important that we are consistent with what we agree, because otherwise we seem unreliable and unconvincing in the eyes of the international community.

Regardless of intentions, whatever publicly submitted positions or proposals, that fall outside the frame of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation (BBF), only serve in creating illusions to the people, all the while raising questions both abroad as well as within the Turkish Cypriot community, regarding our commitment to what has been agreed.

For AKEL, the dilemma “BBF or something better” is a moot point. What is really at stake is that we either reach a BBF solution or we risk permanent division. From the day the Turkish side officially brought back the goal for a two-state solution rejecting federation at the same time, the stakes of BBF or partition became even clearer. There is no reasonable person that can honestly believe that if we pursue any other solution, it will be possible to achieve the goal of ending our country’s occupation and reunifying our homeland.

 

 

 

Ladies and gentlemen,

Dear Friends,

 

The passing of 50 years – half a century – since 1974, could mark an occasion for reviewing and evaluating our efforts to reach a solution. We could talk about the missed opportunities – because there were missed opportunities – to reach a solution. We could also talk about mistakes and miscalculations that have occasionally occurred in the policy and management of the problem by the Greek Cypriot side. Mistakes that facilitated or even fuelled Turkey’s policy of delay, aimed at division, with time being its ally, in the sense that its passing consolidates the separational realities, both on the ground and in people’s minds.

I feel the need here to note that as Greek Cypriots, and more generally as the Republic of Cyprus, we have not supported the Turkish Cypriot community as much as we should have, so that we could inspire trust and fuel the belief in a common struggle that could lead to a reunifying solution. Even today, we often avoid including our Turkish Cypriot compatriots in the equation of the efforts towards a solution. The diminishing of the importance of the Turkish Cypriot factor, is something that started since the beginning of the anticolonial struggle. Since the beginning of the 60s and, especially, following the bi-communal conflicts and the departure of the Turkish Cypriots from the administration of our bi-communal state, this approach intensified. Making decisions without the involvement of the Turkish Cypriots sent a clear message to them, namely that we were satisfied without their participation in the management of the state and, furthermore, that we do not want independence but, rather, union with Greece. This was a policy which was – unfortunately – officially followed by the Greek Cypriot leadership at least until 1968. And, again unfortunately, this unifying rhetoric remained in use until 1974.

Such decisions, policies and rhetoric became the bread and butter of the politics of Turkey, the Turkish Cypriot leadership, and the far-right circles in the Turkish Cypriot community, that promoted division by poisoning people’s consciences through promoting intolerance, nationalism, and bigotry. The exact same policy was followed by the Greek Cypriot extreme right, whose actions finally brought Attila to Cyprus.

I will limit myself in discussing the past, not so much because I don’t have time, but because it is my belief that, especially now, during this critical period we find ourselves in regarding the Cyprus issue, what is important – which is also our collective duty – is to focus on what we need to do to be able to come to a desired solution.

I will now present AKEL’s proposal on how, in our opinion, the Greek Cypriot side should act in order to contribute – as much as it can, of course – to breaking through the longest stalemate that has ever existed in the Cyprus issue, which has been at a complete standstill since 2017, when the negotiations collapsed at the conference convened by the UN Secretary General where, by all accounts, we were just a mile away from reaching an agreement.

AKEL’s proposal includes 4 points as follows:

1. Constantly reminding to everyone that the Greek Cypriot side remains unwavering on the agreed basis of the solution of the bi-zonal, bi-communal federation with political equality as determined by the relevant UN resolutions, and as further specified by the relevant convergences, including the rotating presidency with weighted cross-voting, as well as the requirement for at least one positive vote from a Turkish Cypriot Minister on all decisions of the Council of Ministers. A constant reminder of the BBF and political equality is imperative for two main reasons: first, because the Turkish side has officially digressed from the agreed solution basis. And secondly, former president Anastasiades’ taking soundings both inside and outside Cyprus on a two-state solution, combined with the demonisation of political equality, has damaged the credibility of the Greek Cypriot side regarding the intended solution.
2. Insisting on the continuation of negotiations from the point they stopped at Crans Montana, without any terms and conditions. This was also the position of the UN Secretary General, Mr. Guterres for a few years following Crans Montana, as he was proposing it to the parties involved as a way to continue the negotiations. Frustrated by the lack of political will, Mr. Guterres subsequently stopped doing so.

By taking specific initiatives, we must put said position back on the agenda of the UN, to continue the negotiations. Also, we must boldly state that we are in favour of safeguarding all past convergences, as well as of negotiating on the basis of the Guterres Framework.

What are the advantages of this position?

1. The unacceptable position of the Turkish side for a two-state solution, for equal international status and for sovereign equality is bypassed. Such a position does not lead to federal solution but to a two-state one and, therefore, cannot be accepted.
2. The preservation of convergences means that there are agreements in place on crucial issues such as sovereignty and political equality, which became possible after long and persistent efforts. The two sides must agree not to reopen convergences or, if they do so and no agreement is found, to revert to the existing ones. Lastly, given that there are some who argue that we do not even know what these convergences are, the UN should be asked to officially record them, so that both sides can formulate their comments. This was also done in the past.

• Negotiating on the basis of the Guterres framework ensures in and of itself that time will not be wasted, since the framework resolves the six main issues of the Cyprus problem, with only a few remaining. The negotiation should focus solely on these pending issues.

If we do that, in a short period of time, it is possible to come to a strategic agreement, one that will mark the inevitable path towards a comprehensive solution. I also note here that the Guterres Framework, apart from all the convergences, also includes the extremely important position formulated by Mr. Guterres on the issues of security and guarantees. That is to say, the existing system of guarantees will be abolished along with any unilateral military intervention rights. At the same time, the UN Secretary General is in favour of a quick withdrawal of all Turkish troops within a specific timeframe.

3. The third point we propose is the formulation of a strong positive agenda on Turkey, with the aim being to create incentives for Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot community to return to the negotiating table. This positive agenda must include issues that are high on Turkey’s political priorities, without of course violating our own red lines. It is well-known that AKEL has formulated a specific proposal focusing on energy issues back in December 2020. Our proposal is open for discussion and development and includes the following 6 points:
4. a) Reaffirmation of the 2008-2012 convergences on the issue of marine zones and natural resources being under the control of the federal government. The same goes for the distribution of federal revenues (which includes revenues from hydrocarbons).
5. b) Upon reaching a strategic agreement, the formula of participation of Turkish Cypriots in the management of Cypriot natural gas, to be discussed.
6. c) Upon reaching a solution to the Cyprus issue, a federal fund for the exploitation of hydrocarbons will be created, which will replace the existing one, from which the withdrawal of funds is prohibited.
7. d) After the solution of the Cyprus problem, the United Republic of Cyprus will start negotiations with Turkey on the delimitation of the EEZ on the basis of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
8. e) Regardless of the course of the negotiations for the delimitation of the EEZ, the United Republic of Cyprus and Turkey should consider the possibility of a pipeline for transferring natural gas via Turkey, if this is possible from economic and technical standpoints.
9. f) Upon reaching a solution, the Federal Republic will not raise any obstacles to Turkey’s participation in the wider energy planning of the region.

It goes without saying that other issues can be included in the positive agenda, such as the ones pertaining to the relations between EU and Turkey.

4. The fourth point concerns the implementation of unilateral measures by the Republic of Cyprus for the benefit of the Turkish Cypriot community. These measures are aimed at addressing certain needs of the Turkish Cypriot community relating to the Republic of Cyprus, at strengthening their relations with the European Union through the Republic of Cyprus, and at solving their everyday problems. The measures announced by the government are a step in the right direction, but they are insufficient and must be further developed.

 

Ladies and gentlemen,

Dear friends,

 

Submitting the above, and indeed any other positions or initiatives, does not necessarily mean that a positive response from Turkey and the Turkish Cypriot leadership will be automatically triggered. To do this will require a lot of persistence and consistency in our efforts. Even so, the Turkish side may not respond, and the deadlock will still be in place.

Given that this impasse in the Cyprus problem does nothing except consolidate the division, the Greek Cypriot side does not have the right to remain apathetic but, on the contrary, must undertake concrete and effective initiatives. At the very least, these initiatives will convince the international community that Greek Cypriots want a solution and are working towards it. In this way, the international community will be more resistant to Turkey’s actions which, using its significant international presence resulting from the great geopolitical importance attributed to it by powerful players on an international level, as well as from the great interests that comes with it, tries to upgrade the pseudo-state by promoting the policy of direct contact, direct flights, and direct trade.

The undertaking of substantial initiatives is the responsibility of the President of the Republic, and of his government in general, who are the ones managing the Cyprus issue. They must proceed boldly and decisively because we find ourselves at “Zero Hour”. Let’s take advantage of the recent signs of mobility and resume the initiative.

Social initiatives also need to be undertaken, since a big part of society, mainly due to the existing stagnation, has been feeling pessimistic and has, unfortunately, compromised with the status quo. It is the government’s responsibility to point out the dangers of the de facto situation and highlight the need for a solution, not in general and vague terms, but very explicitly, given that the basis of the agreed solution is very specific. The Cypriot issue cannot take any more blows from shortsighted politics, nor should it be the victim of elections-related strategies.

As far as AKEL is concerned, we will continue to work so that the Cyprus issue and the need for a solution are kept at the top of society’s priorities and political agenda. It is a matter of survival of the country and our people. It is precisely for this reason that we are organising this two-day Conference.

We will also continue to work and take initiatives in the direction of the Turkish Cypriot community, developing a policy of rapprochement, cooperation, and trust- building.

AKEL, regardless of whether it is in the opposition, is ready to support every positive move and every initiative taken by the President and his government to reach a solution. AKEL has done so in the past and it stands ready to do it again now because Cyprus and its people, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, are above everything else. And the people of Cyprus can only secure their future through a solution that leads to the reunification of the island.

AKEL is ready to take up this patriotic duty again, with responsibility and determination.

Thank you.